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Jana and Steven Bennun interview Georg Hagenes a Norwegian brother, about his journey out of Zinoism and discuss the …
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Jana and Steven Bennun interview Georg Hagenes a Norwegian brother, about his journey out of Zinoism and discuss the …
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Sen. Deb Fischer, R-Neb., weighs in on President Biden and Israeli PM Netanyahu’s speaking by phone for the first time in …
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Assembly passes law that would ban officials who support international sanctions from holding office for up to 60 years.
Venezuelan lawmakers have approved a measure that would implement steeper penalties for those who support US sanctions against the government of President Nicolas Maduro.
On Thursday, the country’s National Assembly passed the so-called Simon Bolivar Liberator law, which bans officials who approve US sanctions against Venezuela from holding office for up to 60 years.
“Anyone who promotes, instigates, requests, invokes, favours, facilitates, supports or participates in the adoption of coercive measures … will be punished with imprisonment of 25 to 30 years,” the law also states.
The law also allows broadcast media to be shut down if they support sanctions, while text-based media may be hit with fines of up to $51.7m.
The bill is the latest effort by the Maduro government to crack down on the country’s political opposition, who maintain that they were the true winners of the July presidential election, in which many cast doubt on Maduro’s claims of victory.
The opposition has released precinct data that they say shows a convincing win over Maduro, who has resisted calls by regional governments to release data that could validate his claims of victory.
In the time since, protests against the government have been met with a harsh crackdown by police and a series of laws that human rights groups say are aimed at stifling dissent.
The Venezuelan National Assembly – dominated by the pro-Maduro governing party – voted in favour of the law after the United States House of Representatives passed the Bolivar Act, which would ban US government bodies from working with anyone who has ties to the Maduro government.
The US Senate has yet to approve that bill, which Maduro himself has denounced as “trash”.
The US has stepped up pressure on the Maduro government in the last two weeks, recognising opposition leader Edmundo Gonzalez as the country’s rightful leader and announcing a new round of sanctions targeting figures allegedly involved in the post-election crackdown.
Gonzalez, who fled to Spain during the post-election crackdown, has said that he intends to return to Venezuela in early January when the winner of the election is set to assume office. Gonzalez has said that he is “morally prepared” to be detained if he returns to the country.
Opinions expressed by Entrepreneur contributors are their own.
The holidays are upon us, and with the influx of shoppers and time-off requests from employees, this is often the busiest time of the year for businesses. It can be challenging for business owners to balance their sales priorities amidst preparing for the year ahead, but the season of giving also serves as the perfect opportunity for business owners to make a positive impact.
Investing in employees and the local community is a great way to strengthen your business to close out the year, as it can help improve workplace morale, boost customer loyalty and set your business up for success in the new year. As business owners look to get into the holiday spirit, here are a few ways they can give back through their business this season.
Related: 7 Simple Ways to Thank Your Employees This Holiday Season
According to the recent Bank of America Women and Minority Business Owner Spotlight, 63% of U.S. business owners are planning to expand their businesses in the year ahead, and more than half plan to hire over the next 12 months. Employees are an essential part of business operations, and it is up to business owners to ensure that their workplace culture and morale are supported during their expansion efforts. Evaluate your business’ existing culture and how employees’ needs are currently being met and prioritized alongside business needs. From there, outline potential strategies to close any gaps.
During the busy holiday season, consider ways to alleviate staff pressures by making small adjustments to scheduling. This can have a large impact for employees, particularly those who are parents and may be balancing childcare during winter breaks from school. Increasing communications, transparent scheduling and offering flexible work options, when possible, can reduce staff stressors significantly.
Beyond operational changes, 83% of business owners are investing in education, according to Bank of America, and recognize the value their employees see in programs like on-site training and mentorship. For employees interested in career growth, professional development opportunities are a great way to strengthen existing talent and increase retention.
Workplace culture programs such as employee resource groups can also reinforce a positive environment for employees — plus fostering a friendly staff improves customer interactions as an added benefit. There are numerous strategies that business owners can implement to improve the workplace; knowing your employees and recognizing their needs is key to ensuring your business is well-staffed and thriving.
In addition to your employees, it’s important for business owners to appreciate the complementary relationship they have with their communities. When a community supports its local business owners, those businesses thrive, and in turn, they are able to reinvest in the community, provide jobs and boost the local economy. This creates a positive feedback loop of mutual support that’s crucial to the community’s long-term growth.
Business owners can explore various ways to give back to their communities, such as donating to local non-profits, sponsoring community events and programs, and offering resident-specific discounts. Informational workshops, seasonal celebrations and employee volunteer initiatives are just a few examples of how business owners can foster community engagement to help people make personal connections to their business beyond the products or services it offers.
Try to connect and partner with other local businesses as well — not only can collective endorsement boost your presence in the community, but it can offer cost savings that can be reinvested into the business. For example, you could engage in cost-sharing to lower certain expenses for you and your neighboring business owners. Whether you partner to pay for healthcare plans, share supplies and resources or offer discounts for overlapping customers, working with other businesses can be highly rewarding, and the cost savings can help allow each business owner to keep prices fair for its customers.
Related: 4 Ways Your Company Benefits From Giving Back
Investing in your employees and your community is an investment in your business. Today’s consumers appreciate businesses that align with their values, so expressing care for your community is a powerful and mutually beneficial way to enhance brand reputation and increase customer loyalty.
By investing in your community, you can encourage employees to take pride in your company, knowing that it’s creating a positive impact on the community around them. This energy, coupled with enhancements to employee scheduling and training, will set your business up as a best place to work.
As you position your business for success in 2025, consider starting that momentum by supporting and empowering your employees and community. Giving back is a win-win, fostering both internal and external growth for long-term success.
Ham gravy is loaded with the same smoky salty flavor of a ham roast.
In just minutes, you can transform those pan juices into a rich and velvety sauce to serve with slices of ham and potatoes.
This easy gravy is ready in minutes!
Serve hot, with ham and sides.
Enjoy this gravy drizzled over slices of ham. Its smoky, robust flavor makes it perfect for pairing with starches, such as garlic or sour cream mashed potatoes, homemade dumplings, or rice.
Use it as a seasoning to give smoky savor to vegetable dishes, such as bacon green beans, or vegetable soup. Use it as the gravy in a hearty poutine recipe, or pair it with basic oven fries. Gravy makes everything taste better!
Did you enjoy this Ham Gravy recipe? If so, leave a comment and a rating below!
Ham gravy is a smooth and salty addition to ham.
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Using a spatula, scrape up any brown bits from the baking dish of the ham into the reserved drippings. Set aside.
In a medium skillet, combine butter and flour over medium heat. Cook for 2 minutes while stirring.
Gradually add the milk and ham drippings, whisking until smooth after each addition. Once added, bring the mixture to a boil over medium-high heat. Reduce to a simmer and let simmer for 2 to 3 minutes or until thickened.
Remove from the heat and stir in extra salt and black pepper to taste.
Leftovers will keep in the refrigerator for up to 4 days.
Calories: 277 | Carbohydrates: 5g | Protein: 1g | Fat: 28g | Saturated Fat: 12g | Polyunsaturated Fat: 3g | Monounsaturated Fat: 12g | Trans Fat: 0.2g | Cholesterol: 38mg | Sodium: 90mg | Potassium: 53mg | Fiber: 0.1g | Sugar: 1g | Vitamin A: 235IU | Calcium: 39mg | Iron: 0.2mg
Nutrition information provided is an estimate and will vary based on cooking methods and brands of ingredients used.
© SpendWithPennies.com. Content and photographs are copyright protected. Sharing of this recipe is both encouraged and appreciated. Copying and/or pasting full recipes to any social media is strictly prohibited. Please view my photo use policy here.
Officials from the Department of Health (DOH) and Japan International Cooperation Agency (Jica) on Thursday held the second Joint Coordination Committee meeting to strengthen the Philippines’s national health laboratory network for infectious diseases (Phelnids).
Jica senior representative Masanari Yanagiuchi and DOH officials, led by Assistant Secretary Paolo Teston, reaffirmed their commitment to advancing more initiatives to further strengthen the national health laboratory network.
READ: DOF lines up health projects for funding
In a statement, Jica said the Philippines’ experience during the COVID-19 pandemic showed the need to improve its laboratory facilities and employ qualified personnel to conduct the required tests.
To address such issues, Jica and DOH joined hands to implement Phelnids.
Since its launch in July 2022, the Phelnids improved laboratory capacities and surveillance systems, creating a laboratory network system for Filipinos by incorporating good practices from Japan.
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In Thursday’s JCC meeting, Jica and DOH officials recounted the initial success.
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READ: DOH to put up 7 subnational labs
“Improving access to high-quality, reliable diagnostics has never been more critical. By strengthening the Philippine national health laboratory network, we are equipping the country to cope with future health challenges with resilience and efficiency,” Yanagiuchi said.
Other DOH representatives in the JCC meeting came from the Research Institute for Tropical Medicine, the Epidemiology Bureau, the Health Facilities Development Bureau, and the Bureau of International Health Cooperation.
Thanks to a new Netflix docuseries from true crime mainstay Joe Berlinger, audiences across the nation are asking a question true crime fans never really let go of.
The new series, Cold Case: Who Killed JonBenét Ramsey, doesn’t actually spend all that many of its three hour-long episodes speculating about its title question. Instead, it spends most of them arguing a hot take that’s less hot than you might think — that JonBenét’s own parents didn’t do it.
Following JonBenét’s violent death — which occurred sometime during the early morning hours of December 25 and 26, 1996, in her family’s massive home in Boulder, Colorado — that was a very popular theory. During the ensuing media frenzy, many members of the public looked at John Ramsey and his wife Patsy (who died in 2006) and assumed the case was open and shut.
The victim was an eerily sexualized 6-year-old pageant queen; her face graced the tabloid magazine covers at every checkout line in America. In 1997, no single news story was bigger than this one; by 1998, the Los Angeles Times labeled her “the nation’s most famous murdered child since the Lindbergh baby.” And although a 2003 federal ruling supported the Ramseys’ innocence, and they were formally exonerated in 2008, many people remain convinced that one or both of JonBenét’s parents were the culprits and suggest they did it to cover up a horrible accident committed by their 9-year-old son. A hugely influential 2016 CBS series about the case confidently made that argument.
Yet in recent years, many experts, including several featured in Berlinger’s documentary, have argued that an intruder committed the crime — a theory that the original police investigation never really seemed to take seriously, and which led to deep divisions among Boulder police, the district attorney, and the FBI.
Much of the confusion stems from the problem that the original investigation was botched from the beginning, with police allowing the crime scene to be completely contaminated, evidence to be moved around and tampered with, rooms to be cleaned, and a string of visitors to traipse throughout the house for hours after the Ramseys called 911. This negligence torpedoed the integrity and reliability of nearly every piece of evidence in the case. As a result, even decades later, every detail remains up for debate.
As for a list of potential suspects, while there are several primary contenders, including the Ramseys, it’s often difficult to have an even-handed discussion about them. That’s likely all because of a single piece of evidence, one of the most infamous in true crime history: the ransom note.
For most people who look into the JonBenét case, how they view the ransom note determines how they view the rest of the case, including who did it. That’s because the ransom note itself is so inexplicable that it immediately, and perhaps permanently, biased and derailed the entire investigation.
The first weird thing about the ransom note is where Patsy claims to have found it — lying unobtrusively on the floor of a back spiral stairwell in the early-morning hours of December 26. She gave conflicting stories about the sequence of events: In one version, she checked JonBenét’s room first and noticed she was missing, and then found the ransom note; in the more frequently repeated version, she found the note first, then ran upstairs to check on JonBenét, only to discover her missing.
The next weird thing about the ransom note is… well… everything about it. Here is the text in full:
Mr. Ramsey,
Listen carefully! We are a group of individuals that represent a small foreign faction. We [the word “do” has been scribbled out] respect your bussiness [sic] but not the country that it serves. At this time we have your daughter in our posession [sic]. She is safe and unharmed and if you want her to see 1997, you must follow our instructions to the letter.
You will withdraw $118,000.00 from your account. $100,000 will be in $100 bills and the remaining $18,000 in $20 bills. Make sure that you bring an adequate size attache [sic] to the bank. When you get home you will put the money in a brown paper bag. I will call you between 8 and 10 am tomorrow to instruct you on delivery. The delivery will be exhausting so I advise you to be rested. If we monitor you getting the money early, we might call you early to arrange an earlier delivery of the money and hence a [sic] earlier [“delivery” is scribbled out] pick-up of your daughter.
Any deviation of my instructions will result in the immediate execution of your daughter. You will also be denied her remains for proper burial. The two gentlemen watching over your daughter do not [“not” has been inserted between words] particularly like you so I advise you not to provoke them. Speaking to anyone about your situation, such as Police, F.B.I., etc., will result in your daughter being beheaded. If we catch you talking to a stray dog, she dies. If you alert bank authorities, she dies. If the money is in any way marked or tampered with, she dies. You will be scanned for electronic devices and if any are found, she dies. You can try to deceive us but be warned that we are familiar with Law enforcement countermeasures and tactics. You stand a 99% chance of killing your daughter if you try to out smart [sic] us. Follow our instructions and you stand a 100% chance of getting her back.
You and your family are under constant scrutiny as well as the authorities. Don’t try to grow a brain John. You are not the only fat cat around so don’t think that killing will be difficult. Don’t underestimate us John. Use that good southern common sense of yours. It is up to you now John!
Victory!
S.B.T.C
There’s a lot to unpack here: The strange ransom amount — $118,000 — corresponded to John’s year-end bonus that year from the lucrative tech company he ran. The note’s over-the-top language seems to be referencing well-known quotes from movies that feature abductions and ransoms, including Dirty Harry, Ransom, Ruthless People, and Speed. The “foreign faction” is very obviously not real, and “S.B.T.C.” has never been linked to any existing group.
The final oddity about the note is where it came from — a notepad belonging to Patsy. The note’s author not only used the notepad, they wrote a draft version of the note originally addressed to “Mr. & Mrs.” before directing the note just to John. They even used a Sharpie from the house that they then helpfully returned to the correct pen holder.
Patsy participated in a string of handwriting analysis sessions, over which multiple analysts concluded it was probable, but not definitive, that she wrote the note. However, the modern understanding of handwriting analysis generally holds that it’s a shaky forensic arena prone to significant cognitive bias, and that less experienced analysts are more likely not only to be wrong, but to be more confidently wrong than their peers. Other handwriting analysts have since offered totally different opinions about who wrote it. Behavioral analysts, too, tried to analyze the note with dubious results. To give you an idea of the kind of hysteria that surrounded this case, one official psychological profile claimed that “SBTC” could have meant “Saved by the cross,” and argued that Patsy was a “delusional sociopath” who committed the murder as part of an arcane religious ritual.
The ransom note is so strange that for many people it’s impossible to get around the sheer improbability of anyone writing it at all. After all, what purpose could it serve an intruder to linger in the house after the crime, taking their time to write multiple drafts of a note, for a kidnapping that had not taken place?
One argument against this is that the intruder could have written the note before the crime. The Ramseys were away for hours at a Christmas party that evening, which gave a potential predator hours to enter the house, familiarize themselves with the home’s layout, and play around with creative writing exercises while waiting for the family to return and settle in for the night.
But the question of motive — why? — seems to lead, for most people, away from an intruder and straight back to a Ramsey: The note is so fantastical that the most glaringly obvious conclusion is that it was written by someone who was desperate to divert attention away from the home and away from the family.
For a while, if that was the motivation, it worked: Boulder police assembled at the house but then left without securing it as a crime scene, leaving only one officer there throughout the day until JonBenét’s body was ultimately found by her father in the basement.
Yet if this was really a cover-up by the family, the question of motive still remains: Why would the family leave (or place) JonBenét’s body in the basement if they wanted the police to think she’d been abducted? Why write such an elaborate ransom note or ask for such a specifically incriminating amount? Either way you look at it, the ransom note just doesn’t make sense.
For most people, there’s only one way to read the ransom note: Patsy wrote it. What else could it be?
One alternate way for us to think about this ransom note comes to us via The Consult, a recent podcast hosted by former members of the FBI’s Behavioral Analysis Unit, of Mindhunter fame. We know criminal profiling is as pseudoscientific as every other cool-but-actually-junk forensic tool, so we have to take this analysis with many grains of salt. But in their two-part series studying the ransom note earlier this year, host Julia Cowley and her guest Robert Drew made interesting observations about the mindset of the letter writer — by honing in on the fact that they were really into movies about abduction.
That sounds like an obvious point, but the profilers used it to make a salient point about the kind of person who could commit this crime. Every film referenced in the note involves a villain who, at the moment he’s making ransom demands, fully has the upper hand over the hero. He’s not only calling the shots, but doing so gleefully and maliciously, exactly as the letter writer may be attempting to do with John. The former FBI profilers argue that the letter is a fantasy of having control over someone rich and powerful — that it’s not an anomaly, but rather an extension of a crime scene created by a sadistic child abuser.
This isn’t the only way to read the note, of course, but it’s a reasonable way to think about how the note fits into an intruder scenario. And given the resurgence of interest in the case, maybe this truly bizarre piece of evidence will finally start making some sense.
The second time isn’t always the charm.
In nearly half of the most competitive House races of 2024, one or both of the major nominees were repeat candidates. But while returning House hopefuls often bring real advantages to the table — they can avoid expensive primaries, have existing donor networks, and sometimes even have residual name ID — almost all of 2024’s cohort fell short once again.
Of the 27 Democratic and Republican nominees in competitive races in 2024 who were also their party’s nominee in 2022, just four of them went from defeat to victory. A fifth, Democrat Adam Gray in California’s 13th District, remains in the hunt.
Moreover, 12 of the 27 didn’t even improve upon their 2022 performance, winning a smaller share of the vote than they had the first time.
(This count doesn’t include candidates such as Virginia’s Derrick Anderson or Wisconsin’s Rebecca Cooke, who ran in 2022 and lost in their primary before winning the nomination in 2024, or candidates such as Oregon’s Jamie McLeod-Skinner, who was the Democratic nominee in 2022 but lost the primary in 2024.)
Both parties returned roughly equivalent numbers of nominees in competitive races — 14 Republicans and 13 Democrats. And there wasn’t a clear pattern among the winners and losers. Two winners are Republicans, and two or three of the winners are Democrats, depending on the result in California’s 13th.
But on the whole, returning Republican candidates improved, increasing their vote share by 1.65 percent on average. Democratic candidates lost ground, dropping an average of 0.5 percent in vote share.
The Winners
Perhaps unsurprisingly, the four successful repeat candidates were also among the most improved from last cycle.
Republicans Tom Barrett (Michigan) and Nick Begich III (Alaska), and Democrats Laura Gillen and Josh Riley (both New York) all increased their vote share by more than 2 percentage points.
Begich was the most improved candidate of the cycle, though Alaska’s unique ranked-choice system makes it more difficult to make a direct comparison to other candidates — or to his own 2022 performance.
This year, Begich defeated incumbent Mary Peltola by 2.6 points after the ranked choice voting tabulation, 51.3-48.7 percent. In 2022, Begich placed third in the general election, behind Peltola and former Gov. Sarah Palin, with just 23.3 percent. Using Alaska’s “cast vote record,” researchers at University of Colorado simulated a final round matchup between Peltola and Begich, rather than Peltola and Palin, and found that Peltola would have defeated Begich by 55.4-44.6 percent.
That means Begich increased his vote share by 6.7 percent from 2022, by far the largest increase of any repeat candidate. The difference in margin between his two races was a whopping 13.4 points in his favor.
Barrett, who won Michigan’s 7th District, increased his vote share by 4 points, from 46.3 percent to 50.3 percent. But Barrett had the benefit of running against a new candidate, former Democratic state Sen. Curtis Hertel, rather than his 2022 opponent, Rep. Elissa Slotkin. Hertel, a career politician, was less compelling than the former CIA officer Slotkin and trailed Barrett for the entire election.
Every Republican repeat candidate who ran for an open seat improved on their performance from 2022, though Barrett was the only one of that bunch to win.
Gillen, the Long Island Democrat who defeated Rep. Anthony D’Esposito on her second try, improved her share of the vote by 3 points from 48.2 to 51.2 percent.
Unlike in 2022, Gillen did not face a competitive, expensive and late primary that hamstrung her ahead of the general election. That year, Gillen raised just $1.8 million overall — this year, she raised at least three times as much ($6.1 million through Oct. 16). She also benefitted from a slightly improved political environment in New York relative to the midterms. In both 2022 and 2024, Gillen outran the top of the Democratic ticket by roughly 2 points. In 2022, when Gov. Kathy Hochul lost the district by 5.7 points, that was not enough for Gillen to win. But in 2024, Kamala Harris won a narrow plurality, enough for Gillen to flip the 4th.
Riley, the other New York Democrat, increased his vote share by 2.2 points from 2022, bouncing back from a 51.5-48.9 percent loss to Republican Marc Molinaro to a 51.1-49.4 percent victory.
Like Gillen, Riley raised significantly more money as a second-time candidate (at least $8.7 million vs. $4.2 million) and benefitted from an improved environment in New York. Hochul lost his district by 6.7 points in 2022 but Harris carried it by a fraction of a percent in 2024. And unlike in 2022, when New York’s tortured redistricting process pushed Riley to run in three different districts before settling in the 19th, the Democrat had to contend with just one minor redistricting change this year.
So Close, Yet So Far
A number of candidates improved considerably from their 2022 showings but still fell short of outright victory.
In Texas’ 34th District, former Rep. Mayra Flores won 48.7 percent of the vote in her comeback attempt after winning just 44.2 percent against fellow Rep. Vicente Gonzalez in 2022, an increase of 4.5 percent.
Flores raised more money in 2024, but also received a massive boost from the top of the ticket, as Donald Trump surged to carry this district by 5 points after losing it by 15 points in 2020.
In Iowa’s 1st District, Democrat Christina Bohannan came heartbreakingly close to avenging her 2022 loss to GOP Rep. Mariannette Miller-Meeks. While the race is officially in a recount, Bohannan trails by 796 votes.
Bohannan increased her share of the vote from 46.6 percent to 49.9 percent, even as Harris lost ground in the district relative to 2020, losing it by 8.4 points (according to elections analyst Drew Savicki). That gap means Bohannan was not only one of the most improved repeat candidates, but also one of the strongest House Democrats in the country relative to the top of the ticket.
Several of 2024’s biggest improvers were candidates whose races weren’t seen as competitive ahead of Election Day but ended up relatively close. One of the biggest House surprises in a night that largely went according to expectations was New Jersey’s 9th District, a Solid Democratic seat that may have actually voted for Trump at the top of the ticket.
Republican Billy Prempeh has been his party’s nominee three cycles in a row, losing by double digits to the late Democratic Rep. Bill Pascrell in 2020 and 2022. But the combination of an open seat race and Trump’s surge among Latino voters and urban areas helped Prempeh increase his vote share by 2.3 points from 2022. He still lost to Democrat Nellie Pou, 50.8-45.9 percent.
If Republicans seriously contest the seat in 2026, they will likely look for a different candidate than Prempeh, an Air Force veteran who once posed with a QAnon flag and raised just $41,000 for his campaign.
Prempeh wasn’t the only Republican retread to post a strong performance in a district that was not on the competitive radar ahead of election day. In California’s 21st District, Michael Maher improved upon his 2022 showing against Democratic Rep. Jim Costa by 1.8 points, holding the veteran Democrat to a 4.8-point victory that took days to be called.
The Biggest Losers
Colorado Democrat Adam Frisch lost the closest House race of the 2022 cycle, when he burst onto the political scene to hold controversial Rep. Lauren Boebert to a 554-vote victory in the Republican leaning 3rd District.
But in 2024, he suffered the biggest drop in vote share of any repeat candidate on the battlefield from 49.9 percent to 45.8 percent — in part because he no longer had Boebert to run against. The Republican incumbent, wary of a rematch after her close call, moved to the other side of the state to run for retiring Rep. Ken Buck’s open seat, depriving Frisch of an effective foil.
In her place, Republicans nominated Jeff Hurd, a low-key attorney who was massively outspent by Frisch but still managed a comfortable 5-point victory, 50.8-45.8 percent.
Frisch was the only Democratic repeat candidate to run for an open seat rather than against his 2022 opponent. But because Boebert had been uniquely vulnerable, Frisch didn’t see the boost that Republicans running in open seats did.
In Michigan, Democrat Carl Marlinga nearly defeated Republican John James in 2022, falling short by just 1,600 votes — a 0.5 percent margin. But in 2024, despite increased support from national Democrats, Marlinga saw his share of the vote decrease from 48.3 percent to just 45 percent, the second-largest drop of any repeat candidate this cycle.
The Republican who saw the biggest drop in support from 2022 to 2024 was Connecticut’s George Logan, a former state senator and national party favorite who won 49.6 percent of the vote against Democrat Jahana Hayes in 2022. But in 2024, Logan only managed to capture 46.6 percent of the vote, a decrease of 3 points.
The Bottom Line
Running for Congress is expensive, time consuming, and taxing on candidates’ personal and professional lives.
It is difficult to run once, let alone twice in what can be a three year commitment. For most of 2024’s unsuccessful two-time candidates, two times is enough.
But for some of them, especially the ones who saw the most improvement, it might be hard to stay away. Maryland’s Neil Parrott and Michigan’s Paul Junge were actually making their third consecutive bids. Several others had made unsuccessful runs earlier in their careers.
There’s precedent for that — Iowa’s Miller-Meeks ran three times unsuccessfully before winning an open seat in 2020. The late Minnesota Rep. Jim Hagedorn lost three races to Democrat Tim Walz in 2012, 2014 and 2016 before winning an open seat race in 2018.
And some of 2024’s first time candidates who lost close races, such as Democrat Janelle Stelson in Pennsylvania’s 10th, and first-time nominees, like Cooke and Anderson, might be back again, hoping to prove that the second time might be the charm after all.